Dear Gawker Community,
We are unable to comment on this post due to numerous publication constraints.
I knew I shouldn't have given the editors the right to check my quotes.
Actually, the NYT should be familiar with this sort of quote-check pre-publication approval. John Cook showed last week how reporter Jeremy Peters entered into a similar deal with Paterson chief of staff Charles O'Byrne. [gawker.com]
I don't begin to understand it, but I've been told that this First Amendment argument has some merit and a real chance of prevailing.
Separately, it seems to me that the conflict of interest (i.e., being paid by the people who benefit from the higher rating) is hard to argue your way around. I think the government's decision long ago to turn over to the private sector what was essentially a public or quasi-public function (ratings) was a huge mistake and should perhaps be reversed.
If the rating agencies lose, and are forced into a structured settlement, I would like to securitize those cashflows into a senior subordinate deal and have the rating agencies rate those tranches in order for them to get their money back.
This argument is complete bullshit, but so what? Floyd Abrams is a partner at a big New York law firm that's neck-deep in the securities industry, so it makes perfect sense that they would use him as part of a kitchen-sink strategy to keep their clients out of trouble. This says nothing about his First Amendment work or his reputation: as the New Yorker has put it, remember, lawyers "can only afford to do all this pro bono because of how much anti bono pays."
Consumer Reports gave my air conditioner 5 stars and said it was "nearly silent", but every time I turn it on it sounds like a fucking truck engine. I'm suing.
This is idiotic. Any first-year law student knows that commercial speech enjoys fewer protections than, say, political speech. The fact that the ratings agencies are paying Floyd Abrams to defend them is an indication of how piss-their-pants terrified they are of litigation.
@lawyergay: Any first-year law student knows that commercial speech enjoys fewer protections than, say, political speech.
As a general principle, sure.
But whether that principle is properly invoked here gets into complicated policy issues, I think. Like whether S&P knew that its representations were false/fraudulent. And that seems like a pretty high bar for a prosecution to clear.
The more I think about this, the more I think Abrams might be right on the First Amendment question. On the other hand, I think it's possible that S&P's status as an NRSRO creates some kind of enhanced duty here. If I were prosecuting, I'd be looking for something like that to mitigate the First Amendment issue -- because I don't think that issue is a winner for the govt here.
This is not a First Amendment violation. Prior restraint is when you try to cease a publication BEFORE it is published because it says something bad about you.
I see Politico remains desperate to grab more than its daily quota of headlines. Have they tried reporting the news, or are they merely content, their Republican blow job recipients out of power, to always try to be the story.
I suggest the boys from Politico go back to tricking frat boys in Georgetown.
11/11/09
11/11/09
We are unable to comment on this post due to numerous publication constraints.
I knew I shouldn't have given the editors the right to check my quotes.
Actually, the NYT should be familiar with this sort of quote-check pre-publication approval. John Cook showed last week how reporter Jeremy Peters entered into a similar deal with Paterson chief of staff Charles O'Byrne. [gawker.com]
11/11/09
06/02/09
06/02/09
Separately, it seems to me that the conflict of interest (i.e., being paid by the people who benefit from the higher rating) is hard to argue your way around. I think the government's decision long ago to turn over to the private sector what was essentially a public or quasi-public function (ratings) was a huge mistake and should perhaps be reversed.
06/02/09
06/02/09
06/02/09
[www.cartoonbank.com]
06/02/09
06/02/09
06/02/09
06/02/09
06/02/09
As a general principle, sure.
But whether that principle is properly invoked here gets into complicated policy issues, I think. Like whether S&P knew that its representations were false/fraudulent. And that seems like a pretty high bar for a prosecution to clear.
The more I think about this, the more I think Abrams might be right on the First Amendment question. On the other hand, I think it's possible that S&P's status as an NRSRO creates some kind of enhanced duty here. If I were prosecuting, I'd be looking for something like that to mitigate the First Amendment issue -- because I don't think that issue is a winner for the govt here.
02/09/09
02/07/09
02/07/09
I suggest the boys from Politico go back to tricking frat boys in Georgetown.
02/07/09
02/07/09